The ‘morality of compromise’ sounds contradictory. Compromise is usually a sign of weakness, or an admission of defeat. Strong men don’t compromise, it is said, and principles should never be compromised.
‘Morality of Compromise’ is an
interesting phrase, the implication being that there is morality in at
least some compromises. So what is a moral compromise? Does such a thing
even exist or as Andrew Carnegie suggests, moral compromise is an
oxymoron?
History offers us some interesting
insights. In his real life laboratory in South Africa, Mahatma Gandhi
had practiced and perfected his creed of non violence as a political
tool to take on a militarily superior colonizing force. But most men
stumble in replicating in real life, what works in a laboratory. Only
the exceptional few are able to make the transition and that is indeed
what makes them exceptional. Gandhi was now in India, leading The Non
Cooperation Movement. And the test came soon after in the form
of Chauri Chaura incident. Almost the entire Congress party, though
shocked with violence, wanted to continue with the movement. The
incident, in a perverse way, was perhaps the spark that was needed to
revive the sagging movement, reasoned many Congress leaders. Only one
man disagreed. That man was Gandhi. Between compromising for what would
definitely have been a short-term spurt in the movement
and long-term hard work, he chose the latter. This is perhaps that one
moment that put him a different league from other equally illustrious
leaders of the freedom movement till then – Gandhi was unwilling to
compromise on fundamentals he publicly preached. Gandhi even articulated
it as much - “All compromise is based on give and take, but there
can be no give and take on fundamentals. Any compromise on mere
fundamentals is a surrender. For it is all give and no take.”
But Gandhi was a Mahatma. What about
ordinary political leaders and their parties? Consider Narendra Modi.
Since 2004 he has faced the most hostile Union Government that any Chief
Minister of India has ever faced. But this is not all. He has also
faced a hostile media, which has not balked at falsifying facts to hound
him and hostile NGOs, some of which have not been above using dubious
means. What was the public demand of all these groups? That
Modi apologise for 2002 riots. Would it not have been the easiest
possible compromise for Modi to apologise and be done with it? In 2014
we know he is talking of having delivered on almost all parameters of
governance, be it electricity or water or security or jobs or education
or malnutrition, and using it as pitch for national leadership. None of
these could have been achieved in a single day or a week or even a year.
Work on most of these started in 2003-04, and it has taken a decade of
effort for these to fructify. In 2004, Modi could not have known that he
will be CM for another decade, will be able to deliver on all these
governance issues and will use his delivery record as pitch for PM post?
Even if he knew, he could not have known that it will work? After all,
it had never worked before. In 2004, what would have looked easier for
Modi? To compromise on the principles he believed in and have a
relatively easy life in the short-term or to go for the hard grind, the
outcome of which was highly unpredictable? Now we know that Modi did not
choose compromise.
Or consider even the much maligned
Congress (I), the present ruling party. Whatever be the merits, but the
Congress does believe that the fundamental schism in the Indian polity
is how it defines secularism as opposed to how BJP defines it. It is
this fundamental belief of Congress party that prevents it from aligning
with BJP at any level. Similarly, for BJP, secularism means India
first. This is why, for example, it has opposed the scholarship program
of the central government which is based on religion, as such
discrimination is against the very basic tenet of the constitution which
prohibits the state from discriminating basis religion. It was not
easy to go down this route for the BJP. The choice was between a
compromise of a few crores on scholarship and be against everything that
the constitution of India stood for, or face the opprobrium of the
secular opinion makers. The BJP, we know, did not go for the easy route
of compromise.
Or consider even the Left parties. They
had a chance to lead a historic central government in 1996
with Jyoti Basu as Prime Minister. But they had publicly pledged earlier
that they will not lead a government unless they had sufficient numbers
to affect policy changes. The short-term benefit of leading a
government, having a PM of their own and announcing a few populist
schemes did not lure the Left. That it may have been a good thing for
India is a different thing, but the Left did not compromise when
presented with a really promising opportunity for short-term benefit.
But why is compromise, on your
fundamental beliefs, such an undesirable trait? Sipker Jonze has perhaps
been the pithiest on this : “If you compromise what you’re trying
to do just a little bit, you’ll end up compromising a little more the
next day or the next week, and when you lift your head you’re suddenly
really far away from where you’re trying to go.” The lure of a good
compromise is that it always has some benefits in the short-term. It
looks appealing. It solves present issues, at least part of the time.
Smart communicators find a rationale for the compromise too and
sometimes even make it look like a virtue. “Look, I compromised on my
fundamentals, because I wanted to advance the concerns of common man”;
or “I wanted to protect secularism and therefore I had to ally with THIS
party” ; or “I am allying with the party against whom I just fought a
bitter election because I want to work for the amm admi”. Have we not
all heard this before? But as Jonze says, once down the compromise path,
especially on fundamentals, it is one way downward spiral.
It is also no coincidence that the
economic vehicle of political compromise is always socialism. For
socialism is in itself a compromise. It is hard work to make all
sufficiently rich, much easier to make them equally poor. It is hard
work to ensure affordable twenty-four hour electricity supply to every
household, much easier to subsidize those already getting it. It is hard
work to ensure clean, piped drinking water in every household, much
easier make it free to those already getting it. It is hard work to
create enough supply of quality schools and teachers for all school
going children and ensure hundred percent enrollment. Much easier to
pass a RTE. Socialism is without question the vehicle of political
compromise. Socialism is also the economic vehicle that dooms a nation
because socialism kills competition and with it, enterprise and
innovation. In the short-term, socialism is very appealing, just like
compromise is. But even in the medium term, it destroys nations. Did we
not cheer NREGA and farm loan waiver schemes of UPA-I? Do we not see
where the nation is today? Did we not cheer the Rs. 2/Kg rice scheme in
Andhra Pradesh and the CM who announced it? Do we not see where Andhra
Pradesh is today? Are we not cheering subsidized electricity and free
water in Delhi today?
Any surprise then that Arvind Kejriwal,
in his first stint in government, has gone down the socialism route?
After all, unlike some politicians and parties, he chose the compromise
route. The very Raison d’être of the movement of which he was a part,
and the political party which he formed, was to fight corruption. Then
an opportunity arose to form a government in alliance with the party
which, without any debate, has run the most corrupt government in Indian
history. Kejriwal, unlike some other politicians, chose to compromise
on the very fundamental tenet of his and his party’s existence. Between
the hard grind of working for what he set out to achieve, and the
objective of being liked by a large number of people, Kejriwal chose the
latter. But as that great leader, who pulled England out of
the socialist morass it had sunk in, Margaret Thatcher said, “If you set out to be liked, you would be prepared to compromise on anything at any time, and you would achieve nothing.”
Source: http://centreright.in/2014/01/compromise-as-political-ideology/#.Us3WL7QQQiT
No comments:
Post a Comment